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18 October

China

China and Counterterrorism

Thursday, October 18, 2001

THOUGH IT hasn't gotten as much public attention, the U.S. relationship with China has changed almost as dramatically as that with Russia since Sept. 11, and for some of the same reasons. Public prickliness has disappeared as the government of Jiang Zemin has supported the U.S. campaign against terrorism and even the bombing in Afghanistan -- the first time China has supported a U.S. military action since the end of the Cold War. In return, China, like Russia, expects new understanding for its brutal repression of a Muslim minority, the Uighurs, on the grounds that it is also counterterrorism. And, as with Russia, the Bush administration appears ready to make important concessions: On the eve of the first meeting between President Bush and Mr. Jiang, The Post's Steven Mufson reported that the administration was considering waiving sanctions that bar the sale of U.S. military equipment to Chinese security forces.

Though China's support in Central Asia could be important, once again the administration appears in danger of going too far, allowing the cause of counterterrorism to dominate a relationship with other vital U.S. interests. Those include curtailment of China's sales of missiles and nuclear materials, defense of Taiwan's democracy against an aggressive Chinese military buildup and promotion within China of greater freedom and human rights. China has made no concessions on any of these: In fact, U.S. officials say it once again has failed to live up to commitments it made to the United States about controlling exports of missile technology.

The White House yesterday denied that it was considering allowing the supply of spare parts for Beijing's Blackhawk helicopters, an aircraft useful in territory such as the mountain ranges along China's 54- mile-long border with Afghanistan. But officials said sales of other equipment were still possible -- and any sale would send the wrong message to Beijing's military leadership, which is engaged in a major arms buildup intended to threaten both Taiwan and the U.S. naval forces that might come to its defense.

What's more, any association with China's repression of Muslims could do serious and unnecessary damage to the Bush administration's larger political struggle for Muslim support against radical Islam. The Uighurs, an ethnic group of 8 million similar to Turks who live in the huge western province of Xinjiang, overwhelmingly practice a moderate form of Islam and, thanks to Beijing's repression, are strikingly pro-American. What most of them want is simply an end to China's relentless cultural and demographic assault, along with basic religious freedom. But in recent years some militants have carried out bombings and assassinations of Chinese officials, and a few hundred have traveled to Afghanistan or Pakistan for military or religious training.

On that basis China has characterized the entire Uighur rights movement as terrorism akin to that of Osama bin Laden -- even though the largest Uighur groups are secular, nationalist and pro-democracy. It has sentenced thousands of Uighurs to harsh prison terms or death for alleged separatist activities, and drastically curtailed religious rights; even the possession of the Koran can be grounds for arrest. Mr. Jiang will no doubt try to convince Mr. Bush that U.S. interests now lie in supporting this brutality. In fact, the opposite is true.

Mr. Bush can best serve the battle against Islamic extremists by making clear that he will not support the persecution of Muslims, in China or anywhere else.